from NWSA Journal Volume 10, Number 2

The Lid Comes Off: International Radical Feminism and the Revolutions of 1848

BONNIE S. ANDERSON

Brooklyn College and The Graduate Center, City University of New York

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Women's movements organized in France, the German states, and the United States in the year 1848. This article explores the connection of these national movements to the strong international feminist ties their organizers had developed in the 1830s and '40s. Sympathy with the revolutions was indexed to feminists' ability to form women's movements in 1848. This paper focuses on the previously unacknowledged influence of the revolutions in Europe on the Seneca Falls Convention in America. England provides the negative example. In Great Britain, the absence of revolution slowed the development of a national women's movement until the 1850s. Since feminists in Britain, France, the Germanies, and the United States were faced with daunting opposition even from the men whose politics they shared on other issues, they reached out to like minded sympathizers in other nations. Supporting each other through visits and letters, proclamations and conventions, they succeeded in forming a loose-knit international feminist movement in the mid-nineteenth century, which provided support and confirmation-- and homes for feminist exiles--when the revolutions were defeated. Seeing feminism within the context of the 1848 revolutions changes our conceptions of the dynamics both of women's movements and the revolutions themselves.

Less than a month after the February Revolution a group of Parisian feminists previously active in Saint-Simonian and Fourierist socialism succeeded in publishing a daily newspaper devoted to advancing women's interests during the revolution. In their third issue of March 23, 1848, the editors of La Voix des Femmes [The Voice of Women] printed the following assertions under the heading of "Ce Qui Est"--"That Which Exists":

Young women of the Gauls had the right to make the laws, they were legislators.

In some tribes, African women have the right to vote.

Anglo-Saxon women participated in England in the legislature.

The women of the Hurons, one of the strongest tribes of North America, made up a council, the elders followed their advice. . . .

We struggle for liberty!

These lines had first been published in the early 1840s by the English anti-slavery activist Anne Knight (1786-1862). Knight witnessed the rejection in 1840 of the U.S. female delegates to the London World Anti-Slavery Convention by male abolitionists and, like Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton whom she met there, dated her dedication to women's rights from that rebuff. Knight began sending potential sympathizers in Great Britain, the United States, and France (where she had often lectured against slavery) appeals to "spread the cause" of women's rights, and she invented brightly colored labels with feminist messages to paste to her envelopes. Her text claiming political equality by using global examples first appeared as a pink label, one of the hundreds she had printed in Dublin to dispatch to her many correspondents.¹

Living in Paris from 1847 to 1849, Knight worked closely with the radical French feminists who produced La Voix des Femmes: Eugénie Niboyet, Désirée Véret Gay, Jeanne Deroin. The sudden eruption of European revolutions in the Italian and German states, as well as in France, during the early months of 1848 gave hope to those desiring change throughout the Continent. In attendance at many meetings of the clubs for women's emancipation Parisian feminists formed in these months, Knight published a series of passionate letters addressed to politicians demanding women's equal rights. Considering these letters to be the most important productions of her life, Knight arranged for some, including those to the English radical Lord Brougham and the French minister Coquerel, to be printed. A few months before she died in 1862, Knight had a French friend transcribe a letter of June 18, 1848 into her diary. Written with Jeanne Deroin and A. François (a woman whose full name is not known) just before the bloody June uprising that ended the unity between French republican and socialist revolutionaries, the letter claimed that women comprised "part of the People" and asserted that their exclusion from political life, caused by "male pride" [l'orgeuil de l'homme] had led to "egotistical laws, the crimes of fanaticism, civil discord and all the miseries which degrade humanity." Calling on the revolutionaries to enact "the complete, radical abolition of all the privileges of sex, of race, of birth, of rank, and of fortune," the letter expressed the peak of feminists' hopes from 1848, before they were abruptly excluded from the body politic once again.²

Knight's participation in the inner circles of militant French feminism; the expansive, universalist views she shared with her counterparts in the United States and the thirty-nine states that comprised Germany in this period, as well as France; and her reliance on women's achievements in other cultures and times to prove her case for emancipation in 1848 cannot be understood within any single national context. Rather, they were part of an early international feminist movement. In the course of exploring international connections among early feminists in France, the Germanies, Great Britain, and the United States, I have come to believe that a loose-knit international feminist movement arose in the early 1830s, flourished in the aftermath of the 1848 revolutions, and faded away by 1860. The national women's movements that organized in 1848 came into being in the context of this international feminism. Knight supported Deroin's 1849 campaign for the French legislature and when she returned to England she immediately organized activist Yorkshire women to demand the political rights that had been contested in France. U.S. women's rights conventions repeatedly invoked Deroin's candidacy and her associate Pauline Roland's attempt to vote in 1848. In Thuringia, the German feminist Louise Otto published two articles on "Johanna" Deroin, praising her boldness and strength.³

This early women's movement did not create international organizations like those of the later nineteenth century, but it did quickly produce an international literature of its own--a phrase used in 1852 at the Third National U.S. Woman's Rights convention.⁴ Reading La Voix des Femmes prompted John Stuart Mill to urge his future wife, Harriet Taylor, to finish her essay on feminism. Published as "Enfranchisement of Women" in the Westminster Review, it was reprinted in the United States and became an important validation for the early U.S. women's movement.⁵ Situating themselves within an international context, these feminists saw their local struggles as part of a universal "world movement" [Welt=Bewegung], as the German author Luise Dittmar called it in the first issue of Social Reform, a feminist journal she launched in 1849.⁶

Before national women's movements existed, women who took radical feminist positions found support from their counterparts in other lands. Reaching out to each other, they formed connections that would be re-activated in 1848 and 1849. Knight's ties with French feminists were not forged in the heat of revolution; they stretched back almost two decades. Most of the French feminists who organized to demand rights for women in 1848 had been active in the early internationalist socialist movements of the 1820s and 1830s. From 1832-34, Saint-Simonian women had published a newspaper and pamphlets that asserted the need for women's emancipation from the bonds of contemporary marriage and family, from political and economic oppression, as well as from the expectations and definitions imposed on them by their male colleagues. Knight copied almost 100 pages of these writings into her diary, rendering the most controversial sections in a private code based on Greek.⁷

Saint-Simonian feminist arguments, which stressed the need for women's equal participation to achieve any true and lasting reform of society, appeared in speeches and publications throughout the Western world. One of Knight's labels of the 1840s, which survives on a letter in the Anti-Slavery Collection in Boston, reproduced their argument that women's differences demanded equal rights. "Never will the nations of the earth be well governed until both sexes are fairly represented, and have influence, a voice, and a hand in the enactment and administration of the laws," read part of its closely printed text.⁸ Others invoked the feminism of Charles Fourier to strengthen their demands. In the first article she dared sign with her own name, an 1843 piece asserting that "women's participation in the life of the state is not just a right but a duty," Louise Otto cited Fourier's dictum that "by the position which women hold in a land, you can see whether the air of a state is thick with dirty fog or free and clear." She also pointed to the wider roles of women in England and the United States to make her case for Germany.⁹ The Irish feminist Anna Wheeler (1785-1848), who helped to author the 1825 Appeal of One-Half the Human Race, WOMEN, against the Pretensions of the Other Half, MEN (which itself was translated into French and reprinted in the United States), formed close associations with both Fourier and the Saint-Simonian feminist women. She corresponded with them, translated important feminist articles into English, and arranged for their publication. She befriended French feminists when they came to London and traces of this association remain in Désirée Véret's letters and Flora Tristan's book on London.¹⁰

By the outbreak of the 1848 revolutions, scores of feminists in Europe and the United States read the same literature, shared a common discourse and set of expectations, and had woven close personal connections to each other. As the revolutions exploded in Europe, they acted on behalf of "the cause," as they called the international movement for women's rights.¹¹ In the spring of 1848, a radical Irish friend urged Anna Wheeler to join the revolution in Paris:

the clubs and the press are discussing social questions, and the rights of women are constantly put forth in all the clubs . . . . It would do you good to be over here now. The moral atmosphere would give you life. (Pankhurst, 142)

Wheeler was too ill to respond but others, like Knight, were able to. As women in France, the Germanies, and the United States created national women's movements in 1848, they did so within the context of this wider movement, which gave them support and confirmation, supplied them with arguments and positions, and later provided networks that sustained some French and German feminists exiled when the revolutions went under.

In searching how to convey the complicated relation between international feminism and the national women's movements in 1848, I have built upon a prevailing image of that year, the volcano. Lava, volcanoes, wind, and fire repeatedly occur in feminists' writings of this period, attesting to their sense of an explosive upheaval, a liberating eruption. "Nothing but the fire of a great public enthusiasm" coupled with "the free winds of an ENTIRE franchise" will bring needed changes, Knight declared in a public letter to the radical English reformer Lord Brougham, himself invited to stand for the French legislature in 1848.¹² One French group called themselves the Vésuviennes, the women of Vesuvius, the only live volcano on the European mainland. "Volcanoes nearer here . . . Am I inclined to climb," wrote Emily Dickinson in Massachusetts, "A Crater I may contemplate/ Vesuvius at home."¹³ If the individual national women's movements are perceived as volcanoes, the international women's movement provided some of the lava, "regenerative, not incendiary," as the Vésuviennes promised. During the revolutionary years of 1848 and '49, personal international contacts like Knight's were rare--they increased greatly when the revolutions failed in France and the Germanies and feminists from those societies went into exile in England and the United States. But feminists in those hectic months of revolution drew on an international discourse, invoking universal references, examples, and illustrations to support individual movements in their own nations. "We request that the [male] delegates [to the German parliament] come home and . . . dedicate their attention to the nursery, the kitchen, the laundry and the cellar, while we women quickly resolve how to unify and mobilize the threatened fatherland," wrote women in Bonn in June 1848. "History can testify that women are capable of this, with the examples of the two Russian Catherines, the German Maria Theresa, the Portugese Luisa von Braganza, the Spanish Isabella, the British Elizabeth and Anne" (Hummel-Haasis 1982, 33).

The hybrid nature of feminism in 1848--that sense of participating in a movement that was both national and international--can be seen in documents from the United States of America. Most scholars who write about the early U.S. women's movement do so solely within the national context; the few who examine international influences have denied the effects of the European revolutions upon feminism here in 1848.¹⁴ But I think they have been misled by two powerful forces. First, the theory of "exceptionalism"--the idea that the United States is a unique society exempt from influences which mold other Western nations--still shapes U.S. historiography. This project has taught me that each of these nations sees itself as exceptional. In German history this view is called the "Sonderweg"--the "special path"--in French and English history it is taken for granted. Second, the lasting influence of Elizabeth Cady Stanton's interpretation and reworking of the events of that year still affects scholars. A closer look at events in the summer of 1848 gives a different picture.

The United States was the first nation to recognize the French Republic and, throughout the spring, celebrations of reformers and immigrants took place from New York to New Orleans. East-coast newspapers made arrangements with editors in France so that the freshest information about the revolutions could cross the Atlantic as rapidly as possible, in less than two weeks if all went well. At the annual meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society in New York in May 1848, Lucretia Mott pointed to France's recent abolition of slavery as a hopeful sign for this nation. Even though slavery is still growing in the United States, Mott argued,

yet, when we look abroad and see what is now being done in other lands, when we see human freedom engaging the attention of the nations of the earth, we may take courage; and while we perceive how it is assailed in our own land, still we know how impossible it will be to separate it from the question of the freedom of the slave, in that it is inseparably connected with it in France, and is beginning to be so in other countries. Have we no evidence of progress even in our own country on this subject? A large public meeting was called the other day to hail the events of France. Mark the difference in this from former meetings. Why it was scarcely ten years since Pennsylvania Hall was burned by a mob. (1980, 75)

Mott's reference, which was of course understood by her audience, was to the violence during the 1838 Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women in Philadelphia, itself background to Mott's 1840 voyage to London as a delegate. Silent on women's rights for much of the 1840s, Mott seems to have been energized by the events of 1848. As she traveled to upstate New York in the early summer, she repeatedly expressed the sense of progress, of movement, and possibility created by the revolutions in Europe, which she voiced in New York City in May. After observing conditions among the Seneca Indians, she wrote a friend in August that the Senecas "too are learning somewhat from the political agitations abroad and . . . are imitating the movements of France and all Europe in seeking a larger liberty--more independence . . . . The Spirit of Freedom is arousing the world"¹⁵ (Bacon 1980, 125). Surely this expansiveness contributed to making her visit the catalyst for the first U.S. women's rights convention and led her contemporaries to call her "the moving spirit of the occasion," as the Report of the Seneca Falls Convention put it.¹⁶

Although there are tantalizing references to Mott's eloquence in addressing audiences both at Seneca Falls in July and at the follow-up convention in Rochester two weeks later, none of her speeches from that summer survive. One by Elizabeth Cady Stanton does exist, however, and it too is infused with a tone of revolutionary possibility, of the universality of the cause of women's rights, and of the sense of participating in an international crusade. This was Stanton's lengthy address on the opening day of the Seneca Falls Convention, and as far as I have been able to determine, it was published only once in the nineteenth century, in 1870, when an enlarged Proceedings of the Convention was printed in New York City. Stanton excluded this speech from her compendious History of Woman Suffrage, in which she did so much to insure that she appeared to be the paramount founder of the U.S. women's movement; the section on Stanton's home base of New York, for instance, far outweighs that on any other state (Campbell 1989, vol. II, 42-70; Isenberg 1990, ch. 1). My guess is that Stanton suppressed this speech because it was too radical, too inflammatory, too much a product of the revolutionary summer of 1848. (She began it by stating that it was the first time she had spoken in public, despite the presence in her audience of those who knew otherwise.¹⁷) Delivered after Americans had learned of the radical June Days in Paris, when the republican government's closing of the National Workshops led to uprisings that the government suppressed brutally, Stanton's speech climaxed in a threatening invocation of the European revolutions. Addressing the complaisant liberal assumption that women were already represented by the men in their lives (its enunciation by James Mill in 1824 had prompted Anna Wheeler and William Thompson to write their Appeal), Stanton excoriated men. They call woman "an angel," "to make her believe . . . that she is not fitted to struggle with the tempests of public life, but needs their care and protection!!" she thundered,

Care and protection--such as the wolf gives the lamb--such as the eagle the hare he carries to his eyrie!! Most cunningly he entraps her, and then takes from her all those rights which are dearer to him than life itself--rights which have been baptized in blood--and the maintenance of which is even now rocking to their foundations the kingdoms of the Old World. (Campbell 1989, vol. II, 56-57)

The entire lengthy address was suffused with a radical international feminism. Stanton began with the Saint-Simonian assertion that women must work for their own liberation: "Man cannot speak for her, because he has been educated to believe that she differs from him so materially, that he cannot judge of her thoughts, feelings, and opinions by his own." She presented women's cause as international. "Among the many important questions which have been brought before the public, there is none that more vitally affects the whole human family than that which is technically called Woman's Rights," began her third paragraph. "Every allusion to the degraded and inferior position occupied by women all over the world has been met by scorn and abuse." Seeing women's oppression as universal and using international examples to prove her case, Stanton also relied on international examples to demonstrate women's achievements. Ranging as widely as Knight, she included "the brave, intelligent and proud hearted Tinga, the negro Queen of Angola" in her list of powerful female monarchs. To prove that women were not physically inferior to men, she referred to Tartar and American Indian women as well as Croats, Wallachians, and Germans.¹⁸ Seeing women's cause as universal, Stanton concluded by urging her audience to model themselves on Joan of Arc: "The same religious enthusiasm that nerved Joan of Arc to her work nerves us to ours." Ending with the image of a storm of opposition "from those who have entrenched themselves behind the . . . bulwarks of custom and authority, and who have fortified their position by every means, holy and unholy," Stanton drove home the identification of a women's movement with the forces of revolution in 1848 (Campbell 1989, vol. II, 65).

This identification was made by critics as well as participants. "This is the age of revolutions," the New York Herald began its article on Seneca Falls,

To whatever part of the world the attention is directed, the political and social fabric of the world is crumbling to pieces . . . . The principal agent, however . . . has been the rougher sex . . . though it is asserted that no inconsiderable assistance was contributed by the gentler sex to the late sanguinary carnage at Paris, we are disposed to believe that such a revolting imputation proceeds from base calumniators, and is a libel upon woman. By the intelligence, however, which we have lately received the work of revolution is no longer confined to the Old World, nor to the masculine gender. The flag of independence has been hoisted, for the second time, on this side of the Atlantic . . . . Though we have the most perfect confidence in the courage and daring of Miss [sic] Lucretia Mott and several others of our lady acquaintances, we confess it would go to our hearts to see them putting on the panoply of war, and mixing in scenes like those at which, it is said, the fair sex in Paris lately took prominent part. (Stanton, Anthony, Gage 1969, 805)

The significance of the revolutions of 1848/49 to movements for women's rights becomes clearer when we turn to Great Britain. In England political reform and industrial growth in the 1830s and '40s produced a unique sense of national superiority and self-satisfaction shared even by many political radicals. "We see that no other spot of earth ever before contained such an amount of infallible resources as our own country at this day, so much sense, so much vigour, foresight, and benevolence, or such an amount of external means," the critic Harriet Martineau (1802-76) asserted in 1843. Such attitudes made England "as slow to be set on fire as a stomach," the novelist George Eliot complained (Webb 1960, 211; Ashton 1989, 248). In the absence of the heat and explosion generated by revolution, a women's movement did not coalesce in England in 1848. Personal divisions and animosities that women overcame in the United States, France, and the Germanies, in part because of the urgency of the revolutionary moment, persisted in England. Harriet Martineau feuded with most other reformers, including the Mills, the Howitts, and Anna Jameson. Knight organized Chartist women in Yorkshire, but was dismissed by Barbara Leigh Smith and Bessie Rayner Parkes when she tried to connect to them in 1850.¹⁹ Before the late 1850s, English women who wanted to join a women's movement had to go international. Radical feminists, like Knight and Martineau, reached out to their counterparts abroad, the one to France, the other to the United States.

In providing an all-too-brief moment of opportunity, a time when every desired change seemed possible, the revolutions of 1848 enabled some feminists to organize. They did so internationally as well as nationally. In the aftermath of 1848, when women's movements were suppressed and women's political participation forbidden in France, Austria, and Prussia, international feminism briefly flourished as exile and immigration created new connections and cross-fertilization. Deroin published a bi-lingual feminist journal in England as did Mathilde Franziska Anneke in the United States. International discourse expanded until the second half of the 1850s, when repression in Europe and the impending U.S. Civil War caused it to diminish. International radical feminism achieved its greatest impact in the aftermath of 1848 because of the possibilities and dislocations caused by the revolutions and their suppression. In addition, the development of national women's movements seems to be indexed to a society's participation in or sympathy with the revolutions. In the United States, as well as France and many German states, women's movements arose under "the sun of 1848," as Deroin and Roland called it in a public letter they sent to feminists in the United States and Great Britain.²⁰ This "year of revolution" has a feminist dimension, which can no longer be left out of accounts of its events, whether on the national or the international level.

Correspondence should be sent to Bonnie S. Anderson, 360 West 22nd St. # 5R, New York, NY 10011; bnabc@cunyvm.cuny.edu.

Notes

1. The text is in French, both in La Voix des Femmes and on Knight's label. La Voix des Femmes, 3:23 (March 1848): 3. For a sample of this label, see Knight's copy of Marion Reid's A Plea for Woman (1843), Anne Knight Papers, Library of the Society of Friends, Friends House, London; the label is pasted onto the back cover.

2. Anne Knight Diary, Knight Papers, Friends House, London. A number of her printed letters are in Tracts, vol. O, f. 229-230 in this library.

3. Deroin was invoked at the Worcester Convention of Woman's Rights in 1851, the Cleveland Convention of 1853, the New York City Convention of 1856, and the New York City Convention of 1866. Otto's articles on Deroin are in her Frauen=Zeitung, 3:33 (23 August 1851): 227-228, and 3:49 (28 December 1851): 358-359.

4. By Paulina Wright Davis. Proceedings of the Woman's Rights Convention held at Syracuse, Sept. 8th, 9th, and 10th, 1852 (Syracuse, NY: J.E. Masters, 1852), 9.

5. Mill's letter to Taylor is in the Mill-Taylor Papers, London School of Economics, vol. L:38, John Stuart Mill to Harriet Taylor [?1850]. The letter is printed in F.A. Hayek, John Stuart Mill and Harriet Taylor: Their Correspondence and Subsequent Marriage (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1951), 166-167. Mill's essay first appeared in the July, 1851 number of the Westminster Review.

6. Only a later printing of essays from Soziale Reform survives. This essay, from the first issue, was quoted in Louise Otto, Frauen=Zeitung, vol. I:5, (19 May 1849) 69-70.

7. She copied almost all of Claire Démar's Ma Loi d'Avenir as well as selections from the Tribune des femmes into her diary (Knight Papers, Friends House, London). For these documents in English, see Claire Goldberg Moses and Leslie Wahl Rabine, Feminism, Socialism and French Romanticism (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1993), part II.

8. Anne Knight to Hannah Webb, 6 April 1847, Boston Public Library, Manuscript Division, Anti-Slavery Collection, Ms. A.1.2, vol. 12:119.

9. Louise Otto, Letter to the Sächsische Vaterlandsblätter, vol. 3:187 (23 November 1843), 811- 813, reprinted in Ruth-Ellen Boetcher Joeres, Die Anfänge der deutschen Frauenbewegung: Louise Otto-Peters (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1983), 75-76.

10. For Véret's letters, see Michèle Riot-Sarcey, "Lettres de Charles Fourier et de Désirée Véret, Une Correspondance Inedite," Cahiers Charles Fourier, no. 6 (1995): 3-14. Tristan's account of a bizarre visit with Wheeler to Bedlam is in The London Journal of Flora Tristan 1842. Translated by Jean Hawkes (London: Virago, 1982), 207-216.

11. In her Opening Address to the Second National Women's Rights Convention, Paulina Wright Davis praised "our cause, both in Europe and America." Proceedings of the Woman's Rights Convention Held at Worcester, October 15 & 16, 1851 (New York: Fowler & Wells, 1852), 8.

12. Anne Knight, Letter to Lord Brougham, Result of an Interview at Meurice's Hotel, Paris, 4th month 14, 1849, Holborn: Johnson & Co. Printers, in Tracts, vol. O, f. 229-230, Friends House Library, London.

13. The undated Emily Dickinson poem is in The Complete Poems of Emily Dickinson. Edited by Thomas H. Johnson (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1960), no. 1705, 694.

14. For a recent example of the former, see Virginia Bernhard and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, eds., The Birth of American Feminism: The Seneca Falls Woman's Convention of 1848 (St. James, NY: Brandywine Press, 1995), for the latter, see Larry J. Reynolds, European Revolutions and the American Literary Renaissance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988), which argues that the revolutions had no influence on Seneca Falls.

15. Mott's letter of 24 August 1848 was written to Edmund Quincy and was printed in The Liberator of 6 October 1848.

16. Report of the Woman's Rights Convention held at Seneca Falls, N.Y. July 19 & 20, 1848 (Rochester, NY: John Dick at the North Star office, 1848), 3.

17. In an 1842 letter, Lucretia Mott described Stanton's speaking debut to an audience of 100 women on the subject of temperance. Lucretia Mott to Richard and Hannah Webb, 25 February 1842, Ms. A.1.2, v. 12.2, 34, p. 5 of the letter (Boston Public Library, Manuscripts Division, Anti-Slavery Collection).

18. Ibid., 42, 43, 51-52, 63-68. "Tinga" was Nzinga Mbande (1582-1663): 65, note 27.

19. For Knight's attempt to make contact with the younger feminists, see Bessie Rayner Parkes to Barbara Leigh Smith, 2 April 1850, Parkes Papers, B.R. Parkes V, 45, Girton College, Cambridge, England.

20. Their letter is in The Proceedings of the Woman's Rights Convention . . .1851, 32-35; the version in the History of Woman Suffrage, vol. I, 234-237 has different punctuation, emphasis, and underlinings.

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